July 1 will mark two years since the repeal of the colonial criminal codes and their replacement with their decolonised doppelgangers, making it the perfect time to talk about them. By now, it is beyond debate that the core architecture of the new laws mimics that of the old codes, so I need not spend time on rehashing the point and what it entails for a politics of decolonisation.
In a three-part series, I will discuss some themes in these three criminal codes. The themes being identifies are, as the title suggests, more interested in the idea of codification rather than the nuts and bolts of what the three codes do. So, for instance, while there is copious literature debating the merits of how the Indian Penal Code, 1860 [IPC] draws the line between murder and culpable homicide, there is comparably far lesser out there on how the IPC draws a line on criminalisation per se, and its enduring impact on the Indian legal system. I hope that gives a sense of the kind of discussion we have in store.
This post looks at the IPC, with the next two posts addressing the Criminal Procedure Code of 1973 [Cr.P.C.] and Indian Evidence Act of 1872 — and by extension, their 2023 counterparts.
Theme 1 — Does the IPC Overcriminalise?
The Draft Penal Code for India prepared by the First Law Commission was published in 1837, on which the IPC was largely based, contained a dizzying array of crimes; both, in terms of categories—bodily offences to forgery to mischief—and classes within the categories—separate offences of simple hurt, assault, and criminal force all stemming from engaging in certain physical acts.
Being comprehensive was one of the key objectives behind the science of codification as it had emerged in the 18th and 19th Century, and if we judge the IPC by that metric, it is an obviously good effort at codification. But what about a different metric of the code's content. Did all of what the IPC render as a crime, merit criminalisation in the first place?
The 1837 Report and its reviews by subsequent Law Commissioners, show us that there was an acknowledgment of this issue of line-drawing, especially because the IPC was not digesting the existing law but admittedly creating a new system of law. Viewed from this lens, the IPC was a politically and morally significant legislative exercise. A decision was being made by the ruling class to treat some forms of acts as warranting interference by the state, in the form of allowing prosecutions and then imposing sanctions in the form of imprisonment.
Besides politics, there is also a question of what impact criminalisation has from a legal process perspective. In denoting some conduct a crime, it may be that there was already a recognition of that conduct as wrong or illegal. For instance, think of assault and battery. Even if it was designated a crime, there was legal recourse available to sue persons in tort and claim damages. Criminalising this conduct did not evaporate the pre-existing civil remedy but gave a new option for the same grievance. Both sets of recourse came with different aims, costs to litigate, procedural routes, burdens of proof, and outcomes.
This is the point I want to drive home. In its framework, the IPC subsumed swathes of conduct that would also fall within the realm of private law. But because criminal law was a distinct legal process, it meant that the private law remedy continued to exist in tandem for those who wished to exercise it. Nothing was done in the Code to address this synergy between civil and criminal remedies for the same conduct, although the phenomenon was indeed acknowledged in the Draft Report of 1837 where Macaulay discussed cheating. The sense of overlap is also made clear when we look at a different source — The Draft Civil Wrongs Bill which was prepared by Frederick Pollock later on in the 19th Century (it did not come to pass). In many areas, the bill simply turned to the IPC, and reiterated that bringing a suit would not preclude criminal actions.
Understanding that the creation of the IPC as a political choice should make it obvious that it is influenced heavily by the times that one lives in, and requires periodic revisits to assess whether the choices of the 19th Century remain valid. But even jurisprudentially, the justifications offered by Macaulay in 1837 for criminalising vast swathes of purely private conduct — minor assault, battery, damage to property, insult, defamation, denying creditors, to name a few — were also a product of the times he lived in. Those choices were avidly contested back in the 19th Century, so it stands to reason that they should, if anything, be subjected to even greater scrutiny in the 21st.
Theme 2 — Widening, and not Questioning, State Authority
Continuing with the theme of the times one lived in, comes the argument that a key purpose for the IPC was to solidify, legitimate, and maximise authority over a still-nascent dominion held by a colonial power. Understandably, the document does not spend much time fleshing out principles on which state power may be questioned or tested.
To put it bluntly, there is no principle of criminalisation afforded within the document itself. As we saw earlier, this was a question which concerned the drafters (and reviewers), and their personal preferences about what should or should not be a crime informed the IPC. But there is no talk or discussion about codifying a set of principles to guide future legislators on how to principally go about the line-drawing exercise to identify crimes from torts. Presumably, because there could be no restraining the power of the state to unleash criminal sanctions on colonial subjects for whatever ends it saw fit.
A logic of widening, and not questioning, state authority may make sense for a document that is being created by a young colonial power unsure of how to grapple with its increasing legislative functions. It does not make any sense for a sovereign democracy which professes to respect the idea of a culture of justification in theory and practice. Absence of any general norms on creating crimes has enabled the proliferation of an array of legislation utilising penal sanctions for purely political purposes. In failing to address this gap within the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita 2023 (the counterpart to the IPC), India's parliament has ensured a colonial continuity of the worst kinds.
Theme 3 — The General and the Special Parts of Criminal Law
The proliferation of special laws without any attempt at consolidating the general law is an issue flagged throughout the course of the IPC's life after the 1970s, as more laws came to be passed creating crimes to address all kinds of social problems. In the 2005 edition of the wonderful Essays on the Indian Penal Code published by the Indian Law Institute, a chapter on reform specifically flagged this gap between the general criminal law within the IPC and the multitude of special criminal laws as a problem.
This is an interesting theme to unravel, because we can clearly see that the start of special laws begins during colonial rule itself. A focused study may be able to point out what prompted the move to create crimes outside of the Code. From my limited, and very preliminary study, I would guess the answer was not as much considerations of substantive law, but more to do with the procedural framework. The creation of special criminal laws was, I would argue, to avoid giving those accused persons the full extent procedural guarantees that the Criminal Procedure Code would confer. Instead, these special laws prescribed their own procedure, which deviated quite substantially from the ordinary law. A good example here would be the Rowlatt Act. One might say that the same logic continues to inform special laws today. Would the UAPA, PMLA or NDPS carry the same weight without their truly draconian procedural regimes?
If we view the proliferation of special laws as a procedural issue, then it becomes difficult to imagine how there can be any neat or proper consolidation of the general and special laws. This is where I remain skeptical of the patchy attempts at this consolidation made in the 2023 BNS, which has introduced organised crime and terrorism related offences. These offences in the BNS co-exist with the special laws with their special procedural regimes, and one wonders why any investigating agency would want to rely on them.
Theme 4 — Punishments and Prejudices
Lastly, we come to how the IPC punishes crime. This issue is actually two issues rolled into one: the is first about judicial discretion to decide and inflict punishments, and the second about what the punishments are. The points made in the previous sections all blend in here. Given that the IPC was a document designed to consolidate and maximise state power, it did not wish to create any principles for what kind of crime may warrant imprisonment, even though there was a clear recognition by the drafters that all kinds of crime should not warrant a jail term.
In this regard, there has been some recognition of changing attitudes over time on the modes of punishment, as can be seen with the abolition of whipping and transportation as punishments in the first decade of Indian independence. But there remains little or no reflection on the scheme of unfettered judicial discretion to impose punishments and the arbitrariness that it entails. This, despite there being a telling set of passages in the 1837 Report about how judicial discretion to awarding sentences is an imperfect solution which can beget unfair outcomes.
The BNS has addressed very little of this issue of judicial discretion as well, minimally altering the scheme of discretion present within the IPC. As for what punishments can be awarded, it has a new category of punishment — community service — which it doesn't use much. Arguably the only consistent reform on this front has been raising the amount of fines which can be imposed upon conviction.
Concluding Remarks
These are overlapping and broad themes. One wonders what role they have played in shaping the legal system and their impact on how the system of criminal law operates even today. The absence of any guiding principles for criminalisation and levying of imprisonment means that anything, like dishonour of a cheque, can be made a crime punishable by imprisonment if the state thinks so. Or, for that matter, offences can be given terribly broad definitions to practically permit the prosecution, or persecution, of mere thought.
Then there is the issue of dockets. The exuberant coverage of purely private wrongs through the penal route gives litigants options. Many of them find the criminal process preferable, being a comparatively low cost route to civil proceedings, while at the time carrying far sterner bite with the prospect of imprisonment. This often prompts parties to settle their disputes, raising doubts as to whether the objective of the claimant was simply to use the cheapest means possible to get damages rather than to punish the defendant.
What would have happened if the BNS shed some of this load and left parties to their own devices with civil remedies for many of the private wrongs that the IPC covered? No more assault and battery cases, no more defamation, and definitely no cheating cases where there is a contract, and you go file your tort claims before the Civil Judge. Would it help make a fairer, and more robust, criminal process? It would certainly reduce the use of criminal law for collateral purposes.
Some things for the next review to think about, I guess.